Beyond the Justification Hypothesis: A Broader Theory of the Evolution
of Self-Consciousness
Vazire & Robins, 2004:
We evaluate Henriques’ Justification Hypothesis (JH; this issue, pp.
1207– 1221) and argue that his explanation for the evolution of
self-consciousness is overly narrow and the evolutionary sequence of
events is backwards. Instead, we propose a broader theory of the
evolution of self-consciousness,with four categories of adaptive
functions: (a) self-regulation, (b) selective information processing,
(c) understanding others, and (d) identity formation.
|
Defining Psychology: What Can It Do for Us?
Haaga, 2004:
"Psychology," like many abstract terms, is difficult to define
precisely. Henriques' (this issue, pp. 1207-1221) argument that
psychology, though unified and coherent, actually spans two
realms-psychological formalism ("the science of mind," this issue, p.
1211) and human psychology ("the science of human behavior at the
individual level," this issue, p. 1208)- seems likely to improve the
clarity of the concept. The strongest contribution of his analysis may
be its placing "psychology" in the larger conceptual framework of the
Tree of Knowledge taxonomy. |
Defining Psychology: Is It Worth the
Trouble?
Lilienfeld,
2004:
Henrique’s thoughtful effort (this issue, pp. 1207–1221) to define
psychology suffers from at least three shortcomings:(a) “psychology” is
almost certainly an inherently fuzzy concept that resists precise
definition; (b) attempts to define psychology are likely to hamper
rather than foster consilience across scientific disciplines; and (c)
Henriques incorrectly diagnoses the cause of the scientist–practitioner
gap and hence offers an incorrect prescription. The sources of this gap
lie not in intractable definitional disputes, but in fundamentally
different approaches to acquiring knowledge. |
Justifying the Justification Hypothesis:
Scientific- Humanism, Equilintegration (EI) Theory,
and the Beliefs, Events, and Values Inventory (BEVI)
Shealey, 2004:
The Justification Hypothesis (JH; Henriques, 2003) is a basic,
general,and macro-level construct that is highly compelling. However, it
needs greater specification (i.e., justification) regarding what it is,
how it might be operationalized and measured, and what it does and does
not predict in the real world. In the present analysis, the act of
“justification” is conceptualized as the ongoing attempt to convince
self and/or others that one’s beliefs and values, which is to say one’s
“version of reality” or VOR, is correct, defensible, and good. In
addressing these issues, this paper is divided into two complementary
parts: (a) consideration of justification dynamics and exemplars from a
scientific-humanist perspective and (b) an examination of how
justification systems and processes have been studied vis-à-vis research
and theory on beliefs and values as well as an extant model—Equilintegration
(EI) Theory—and method—the Beliefs, Events, and Values Inventory (BEVI). |

Metarepresentation and the Great
Cognitive Divide:
A Commentary on Henriques’ “Psychology Defined”
Stanovich, 2004:
I locate the discontinuity between humans and other animals a bit
differently than Henriques (this issue, pp. 1207–1221)—in
metarepresentational abilities. However, I do think that the
justification process might have played a critical role in the
development of these metarepresentational abilities.
|
From Mirror Self-Recognition to the
Looking-Glass Self: Exploring the Justification Hypothesis
Shaffer, 2004:
In his Tree of Knowledge (ToK) System, Henriques (2003) posits that the
human ego or “self” has evolved because human beings are the only
animals that have had to justify their behavior to others. This essay
provides evidence for this Justification Hypothesis (JH) from everyday
life sociology, starting with the work of George Herbert Mead and
Charles Horton Cooley, and focuses on research related to the concept of
the “looking-glass self.” Special emphasis is given to the pragmatics of
speech acts, the presentation of self in interaction rituals, the
accounts given by actors in justification of their actions, and the role
of social norms and conformity in the large-scale justification systems
commonly called “culture.” |
The
Motivation to Control and
the Origin of Mind: Exploring the
Life–Mind Joint Point in the Tree of Knowledge System
Geary, 2004:
The evolved function of brain, cognitive, affective,
conscious-psychological, and behavioral systems is to enable animals to
attempt to gain control of the social (e.g., mates), biological (e.g.,
prey), and physical (e.g., nesting spots) resources that have tended to
covary with survival and reproductive outcomes during the species’
evolutionary history. These resources generate information patterns that
range from invariant to variant. Invariant information is consistent
across generations and within lifetimes (e.g., the prototypical shape of
a human face) and is associated with modular brain and cognitive systems
that coalesce around the domains of folk psychology, folk biology, and
folk physics. The processing of information in these domains is implicit
and results in automatic bottom-up behavioral responses. Variant
information varies across generations and within lifetimes (e.g., as in
social dynamics) and is associated with plastic brain and cognitive
systems and explicit, consciously driven top-down behavioral responses.
The fundamentals of this motivation-to-control model are outlined and
links are made to Henriques’ (2004) Tree of Knowledge System and
Behavioral Investment Theory. |
A
Much Needed Macro Level View:
A Commentary on Henriques’ “Psychology Defined”
Gilbert, 2004:
To develop greater coherence, psychology must develop its macro and
integrative approaches to the mind. In this illuminating paper,
Henriques (this issue, pp. 1207–1221) outlines the kind of thinking that
is needed. He skillfully illuminates the levels of emergence of mind
from the material world and argues that the recursive self-regulative
abilities of selfawareness set us apart from other animals. The
interaction between an evolved mind, adapted to pursue strategic goals,
while also being phenotypically shaped by both environment and our
recently evolved cognitive competencies, is a core focus of psychology. |
Pluralism
in the Sciences Is Not Easily Dismissed
Viney, 2004:
The unification scheme proposed by Henriques in his article “Psychology
Defined” (this issue, pp. 1207–1221) holds promise as a coherent and
comprehensive approach to psychology and as a helpful way to think about
the relation of psychology to other sciences. There is, nevertheless,
room for concern that there is no concept of unification to date that
does not neglect important dimensions of human experience. It is argued
that the disunities in psychology need not result in a sense of
disciplinary inferiority. In fact, many leading scholars now challenge
the belief that other sciences are models of integration and unity. It
is also argued that there are not true type identities between levels of
organization (e.g., experience and underlying neurological processes).
Accordingly, there are serious questions about the kind of unity that
can be achieved. |
Psychology’s
Dilemma: An Institutional Neurosis?
Katzko, 2004:
The term psychology refers both to an institutional discipline
and to a subject matter. Henriques, in his article “Psychology Defined”
(this issue, pp. 1207-1221), emphasizes the second reference, and its
focus can be sharpened by taking into account the first reference. On
the one hand, epistemic progress in science is a dynamic process, which,
as often as not, cuts across institutional divisions. However, on the
other hand there are some problems of disunity that solely concern the
institution. That the latter falls within the scope of the Tree of
Knowledge is illustrated in how Henriques’ “Justification Hypothesis”
sheds light on the nature of institutional disunity. |
How
Does Psychotherapy Influence Personality?
A Theoretical Integration
Mayer, 2004:
A given type of psychotherapy (e.g.,
psychodynamic) is associated with a set of specific change techniques
(e.g., interpreting defenses, identifying relationship themes).
Different change techniques can be conceived of as influencing different
parts of personality (e.g., interpreting defense increases conscious
awareness). An integrated model of personality is presented. Then,
change techniques from different theoretical perspectives are assigned
by judges to areas of personality the techniques are believed to
influence. The results suggest that specific change techniques can be
reliably sorted into the areas of personality. Thinking across
theoretical perspectives leads to important new opportunities for
assessment, therapy outcome research, and communication with patients
concerning personality change. |
Remythologizing
Culture: Narrativity, Justification,
and the Politics of Personalization
Quackenbush, 2004:
The thesis that the self is a story unfolding in prescriptive
space is typically embraced by social constructionists as a radical
alternative to naturalistic accounts of human development. Yet, the Tree
of Knowledge (ToK) System proposed by Henriques (2003) implies that
events at multiple levels of analysis (i.e., matter, life, mind, and
culture) can be considered as conditions of possibility for the
emergence of meaningful personal narratives. Thus, the ToK System
represents an opportunity to recast the work of naturalists and social
constructionists in a framework that is at once scientific and
humanistic. |
Rooting
the Tree of Knowledge:
A Response to Henriques’ “Psychology Defined”
Presbury, 2004:
Neither science nor culture could exist
without a participant–observer and a conceiving human mind.
Being-in-the-world, or “Dasein,” as Heidegger termed it, is fundamental
to anyconceptual understanding we have of how things work in the
universe. There is no view from nowhere. Psychologyis the primordial
ground in which the tree of knowledge has its roots. |
Some
Discontents With Theoretical Unification:
A Response to Henriques’ “Psychology Defined”
Yanchar, 2004:
In response to Henriques’ article
“Psychology Defined” (this issue, pp. 1207– 1221), I argue that
theoretical unification should not be pursued for its own sake and that
many psychologists are unlikely to endorse the specific unifying
principles of the Tree of Knowledge System. It is suggested that other
scholarly endeavors such as the open pursuit of truth, sustained
dialogue among diverse discourse communities, and critical reflection on
psychological theories and practice are more important than theoretical
unification. |
Taxonomy
as a Contextualist Views It
Hayes, 2004:
The Henriques’ article, “Psychology Defined”
(this issue, pp. 1207– 1221), reflects an underlying philosophy of
science that emphasizes coherence as its truth criterion. The taxonomic
efforts that result are of unknown value when viewed from other
philosophical positions. From the point of view of functional
contextualism, the primary metric of successful science is not coherence
per se, but the precision, scope, and depth of the analysis as a means
of predicting and influencing psychological phenomena. Henriques
presents neither data nor specific research proposals that would allow
even the beginning application of such a metric. Thus, the proposed
taxonomy has no known value when viewed contextualistically. Since the
practical goals of clinical psychology are very similar to those of
functional contextualism, clinical psychologists interested in making a
practical difference will have few current empirical reasons to be
attracted to this taxonomy. |
Testing
the Limits of Henriques’ Proposal:
Wittgensteinian Lessons and Hermeneutic Dialogue
Slife, 2004:
The limits of Henriques’ “overarching
conceptions” approach to defining psychology is first tested by
comparing and contrasting his conceptions to two burgeoning movements
within psychology: qualitative research and spiritual therapy
strategies. These movements were selected because they represent many
other fragments of a fragmented psychology that could fall outside
Henriques’ disciplinary matrix. This comparison reveals how the broader
discipline of psychology resists propositional definitions, such as
Henriques’ proposal. As the later work of Wittgenstein (1958) reveals,
one cannot unite the various language games of a discipline’s discourse
communities through common overarching features. Next, another approach
to unification and definition is outlined—hermeneutic dialogue. Unlike
an overarching framework, hermeneutic dialogue does not require “joint
points.” In fact, it assumes that the richness and vitality of a
discipline can be drained away by such “unifying” principles. Instead,
hermeneutic dialogue is a way of relating and unifying while preserving
the integrity and identity of even incommensurable factions within a
discipline. |
Toward
a Consilient Science of Psychology
Rand & Ilardi, 2004:
From its inception, psychology has been
characterized by conceptual fragmentation and slow scientific progress (Henriques,
2004; Meehl, 1978). In contrast, the natural sciences have achieved in
recent decades a remarkable degree of consilience—the linking of fact,
theory, and method across disciplines (and subdisciplines) and across
nested levels of informational complexity (Wilson, 1998). Although such
consilience serves as a potent catalyst of scientific discovery, there
exist several barriers to the emergence of a consilient science of
psychology (e.g., the persistent influence of dualism, longstanding
internecine discord, resistance to perceived reductionism, etc.). We
discuss the manner in which the development of metatheoretical
frameworks (including Henriques’ Tree of Knowledge model) may play an
important role in addressing such barriers. Likewise, we describe the
hybrid interdisciplinary domain of cognitive neuroscience, which
provides an empirically testable metatheory and a promising consilient
bridge between psychology and the natural sciences. |
The
Unification of Psychology
and Psychological Organizations
Stricker, 2004:
The Tree of Knowledge is an imaginative
attempt to construct a metatheoretical system that proposes to unify the
discipline of psychology. However, it is limited in its appreciation of
political factors, and so an optimistic view of the possibility of the
system overlooks the power issues that beset the field. |
Unifying
Psychology:
Epistemological Act or Disciplinary Maneuver?
Stam, 2004:
Two arguments with attempts to unify
psychology are adumbrated in this commentary. First, the unification of
psychology is largely a disciplinary maneuver and not primarily an
epistemological act. Second, the discipline of psychology has been
unified for some time around a series of methodological and functional
categories that have served to support its institutional projects but
hide metaphysical problems. |
Unity
Within Psychology, and
Unity Between Science and Practice
Kihlstrom, 2004:
The unity of psychology as a science is to
be found in its definition as the science of mental life, and its
explanation of individual behavior in terms of mental states. This
disciplinary focus will help negotiate psychology’s relations with other
disciplines, such as neuroscience and cognitive science. The unity
within psychology between science and practice is to be found in a focus
on scientific evidence as the source of the status, autonomy, and
privileges of professional practitioners. Psychology should avoid the
temptations of reductionism, and assert (and enjoy) its twin status as
both a biological science and a social science. |